Words: Liz Bennett (she/her)
CW: genocide
‘Western nations that dictate statehood today are often the same colonial or imperial powers that once carved up Somalia’s borders’
In the Horn of Africa, Somaliland grapples with colonial boundaries. With its own flag, currency, and armed forces, it meets all Montevideo Convention’s criteria for statehood: clearly defined territory, settled population, independent government, and relations with other states. However, despite declaring independence in 1991, it has never been officially recognised as a country. Recent regional tensions have reignited debates on the legitimacy of this de facto state.
In January 2024, landlocked Ethiopia and separatist Somaliland signed an agreement that shook the Horn of Africa. Ethiopia, seeking long-term access to Red Sea ports, agreed to recognise Somaliland’s independence in return. However, Somalia swiftly rejected the deal, calling it a violation of its sovereignty. The fallout was immediate: Somalia expelled Ethiopia’s ambassador and filed a formal complaint with the UN Security Council. After months of tensions between Somalia and Ethiopia, Turkey intervened to ease the situation. The 2 countries agreed to technical talks in February 2025, dashing Somaliland’s hopes for formal recognition. So, what’s behind Somaliland’s struggle for acknowledgment, and why has it not been granted statehood benefits?
Somaliland’s struggle for independence dates back to the late 1800s when it existed as a British protectorate, while the rest of Somalia was under Italian rule. This period saw violent suppression, heavy taxation, and blatant disregard for local governance. In 1960, Somaliland gained independence, followed by the rest of Somalia. The 2 regions unified to form the Somali Republic, but colonisation left scars in the form of boundaries that disrupted local clan structures.
The 1961 Somali constitution referendum, intended to solidify the union between Somaliland and southern Somalia, exposed deep regional divisions. In Somaliland, most people boycotted the vote, and of the 100,000 who did participate, 60% rejected the constitution. Meanwhile, the South voted overwhelmingly in favour, with 1.95 million ‘yes’ votes. This imbalance created the illusion of national unity, despite the clear opposition from the North.
The Somali dictatorship under Siad Barre, who came to power in 1969, aggressively pushed for the unification of all Somali-inhabited regions, leading to the Ethio-Somali Ogaden War. Following Somalia’s defeat, Somaliland, home to the Isaaq clan, suffered the brunt of the fallout, exacerbated by the arrival of 1.3 million Ethiopian refugees. Barre’s regime sided with the Ogaden refugees, arming them and terrorising Isaaq communities. Isaaq’s grievances were ignored, fueling resentment and ultimately sparking the Somaliland War of Independence.
The Isaaq uprisings were brutally suppressed, and during the Isaaq Genocide, Barre’s regime bombed cities like Hargeisa and Burao, killing up to 200,000 civilians. The international community, particularly the US, largely turned a blind eye to these atrocities, in exchange for strategic military access in the Cold War context. This brutal chapter is key in the region’s ongoing struggle for recognition and autonomy.
Somaliland and Somalia, home to distinct clans, have followed diverging paths since the 90s. Somaliland adopted a locally owned and funded, culturally-rooted, bottom-up peacebuilding and state formation process. It has found peace and stability under a functional, if weak, government that enjoys local legitimacy. Meanwhile, international efforts to stabilise Somalia have failed, leaving the central government largely ineffective against terrorism, smuggling, and piracy.
Despite growing differences, the international community still shies away from formal recognition. The African Union hesitates to challenge colonial borders, arguing that it could fuel other secessionist movements and regional instability. The US and other global powers worry that formal recognition may further weaken Somaliland’s government. After past military interventions in Somalia, they now refuse to recognise Somaliland’s stable democracy. While the UK, Denmark, and Ethiopia engage through consulates and passport recognition, Somaliland remains without formal statehood or a UN seat.
While Somaliland struggles with extreme poverty and the environmental consequences of climate change, it remains a regional exception regarding peace and democracy. Guleid Ahmed Jama, a human rights lawyer from Somaliland, argues that ‘a better future goes through the fight against corruption, greater transparency, and the respect of human rights’. Somaliland’s strategic Gulf of Aden location makes it a key Red Sea chokepoint, drawing investors seeking military and commercial access. Ethiopia’s port deal has raised tensions, while the US and Israel see it as a potential military base. With Turkey, Egypt, and China vying for influence, this unrecognised state is at the heart of a global power struggle. While this creates leverage, Somaliland must remain wary of foreign powers prioritising self-interest over local needs.
Western nations that dictate statehood today are often the same colonial or imperial powers that once carved up Somalia’s borders without consent – and still today enable genocides. Somaliland remains trapped between imposed lines, foreign interests, and denied sovereignty. How much longer must it wait to claim the independence it has already built?
