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Confronting Memory Politics: A Study of Germany

Words: Gemma Sawyer (she/her)

To be pro-Palestinian in Germany is to transgress the the laws of the state.

In December 2025, the German government (Bundesregierung) released a statement reiterating their commitment to unconditionally support the state of Israel. Though Germany’s present-day devotion to the Zionist entity is rooted in historical links, it has become increasingly entrenched in state policy within the last 20 years. To implement this, Angela Merkel manipulated German Staatsräson (Germany’s reason of being) to be one dedicated to supporting Israel to compensate for its crimes in WWII. This deviated from previous articulations of Staatsräson, which outlined Germany’s responsibility to atone for its role in the Holocaust by preventing genocide globally. The rewriting and revision of history that Merkel’s CDU undertook has muddied German memory culture. Messing with memory is a dangerous game to play, one that comes with harmful consequences. 

The term Staatsräson has existed for hundreds of years and lacks concrete definition, making it open for manipulation. When addressing the Knesset (Israeli parliament) in 2008, Angela Merkel did just that. She stated that, for historical reasons, responsibility for Israeli security falls into Germany’s hands, and that protecting Israel should underpin Germany’s Staatsräson. Unfortunately, Merkel’s interpretation of Staatsräson lives on. Two German states (Bundesländer), Brandenburg and Saxony-Anhalt, require that individuals declare themselves as being committed to Israel’s existence in order to obtain citizenship. Germany’s capital, Berlin, is also considering implementing this law. This is only one example of how loyalty to Israel is interwoven into everyday German life.

Scholar Hans Kundnani shows us how Germany’s understanding of the Holocaust has gradually shifted away from its initial comprehension towards being in favour of Israel. Originally, honouring Holocaust victims meant being outspoken about genocide, no matter where it appeared or who it affected. Present German memory culture, however, persistently ignores the genocide of Palestinians out of loyalty towards Israel. Kundnani argues that, in the current German climate, it is almost impossible to believe that the state does not value Israelis over Palestinians. He describes the phenomenon plaguing modern Germany as ‘hyper-Zionism.’ This is an insidious mutation of Zionist ideology which increasingly targets Jews who oppose Israel, arguing that their condemnation of the ethnostate constitutes anti-semitism. Jewish academics like Judith Butler have had their events cancelled in Germany in the name of ‘fighting anti-semitism.’ This instance is emblematic of how Germany’s current Staatsräson has nothing to do with ensuring Jewish safety. In fact, it actively works against it.

According to Mary Hampton and Douglas Pfeifer, Holocaust memory has significantly informed German foreign policy, setting ‘boundaries and constraints’ for it to abide by. The imperative of “never again” was rightly harnessed by the government to justify the military intervention in Kosovo in 1998. In this case, Germany fulfilled its commitment to preventing genocide by intervening militarily to protect Kosovan Albanians facing ethnic cleansing. This case shows how memory can act as a force for good and protection. 

Remembering the Holocaust is essential. It was a seismic event in not only Germany’s, but the world’s history, and it should play a role in determining German foreign policy. This role should be informing the German government of the necessity to prevent further atrocities, and stand up for oppressed peoples everywhere, rather than providing the justification for support of a genocidal state. 

To be pro-Palestinian in Germany is to transgress the the laws of the state. Because of this logic, demonstrators across the country have been subjected to intense repression and violence. In the wake of October 7th, anti-Israel demonstrations were essentially banned in Berlin. As the genocide has continued, repression has intensified. Josephine Solanki writes that the Staatsräson has been ‘weaponised in Germany against domestic dissent’ and used to punish anyone who expresses even a hint of anti-Zionism. The Civic Space Report 2025 found that Germany ranked highest among European countries in suppression of Palestinian advocacy. It is not only pro-Palestinian Germans who suffer as a consequence of this oppression, but Palestinians themselves. The harsh response to protest has discouraged citizens to speak out about Palestine, meaning the genocide in Gaza is often sidelined or forgotten. 

Memories and history can be contaminated and tainted to fit the story a state wants to tell. The fleeting nature and lack of clarity that underscores memory makes it an easy force to manipulate. The German state has been incredibly successful in altering the collective memory of its citizens, deluding them to believe that pledging unwavering support to Israel somehow atones for the state’s complicity in the Holocaust and protects Jewish people. The only way to truly atone for the Holocaust is by standing up against genocide, and protecting Jewish people alongside all persecuted minorities. 

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